Write at least 200 words that connect Nadya Tolokonnikova’s ideas and stories to what we have read so far in Rigging the Game and that share your own personal reactions to her writing. Your post should be specificenough, though, to demonstrate that you have done the reading from Read & Riot. You could write about something that shocked you, something that made you want to learn more, something that you related to, something that moved or disturbed you, something that inspired you, etc. Then make a connection to our readings from Michael Schwalbe this quarter or put her ideas in sociological context.

I’m working on a sociology discussion question and need support to help me understand better.

 

Get Your Custom Essay Written From Scratch
We have worked on a similar problem. If you need help click order now button and submit your assignment instructions.
Just from $9/Page
Order Now

ead the assigned chapter

You will find that our readings from Read & Riot: A Pussy Riot Guide to Activism are in a much more personal and informal writing style than our sociological readings. So instead of taking reading notes and writing a note to Jen, you will be reading the book and reflecting on how it connects to what we are reading in Rigging the Game.

Write a discussion post (20 points)

Write at least 200 words that connect Nadya Tolokonnikova’s ideas and stories to what we have read so far in Rigging the Game and that share your own personal reactions to her writing. Your post should be specificenough, though, to demonstrate that you have done the reading from Read & RiotYou could write about something that shocked you, something that made you want to learn more, something that you related to, something that moved or disturbed you, something that inspired you, etc. Then make a connection to our readings from Michael Schwalbe this quarter or put her ideas in sociological context.

Pdf page 69-89

 

UNFORMATTED ATTACHMENT PREVIEW

Read & Riot A Pussy Riot guide to activism Nadezhda Tolokonnikova 2018 Contents INTRODUCTION preliminary statement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . we are superpowers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . words, deeds, heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rule № 1. BE A PIRATE Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pirate people’s republic . . . . . . the international waters of piracy Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . no borders . . . . . . . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . diogenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 5 6 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 10 10 11 12 12 13 13 Rule № 2: DO IT YOURSELF Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the diy ethos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . junk politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lady simplicity: poor art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . kill the sexist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . creating a political feminist punk band: the basics Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . d. a. prigov . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 15 15 16 17 19 19 21 21 21 . . . . . . . 24 24 24 25 26 27 28 28 . . . . 31 31 31 32 32 Rule № 3: TAKE BACK THE JOY Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . we shall live in love and laughter dada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . if the kids are united . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rule № 4: MAKE YOUR GOVERNMENT SHIT ITS PANTS Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . question the status quo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . don’t talk baby talk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . art in action . . . . . . . sexists are fucked . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . dr. martin luther king jr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 35 36 36 Rule № 5: COMMIT AN ART CRIME Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the human as a political and artistic animal destroy the (fourth) wall . . . . . . . . . . a prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pussy riot church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the yes men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 38 39 41 42 42 42 45 45 Rule № 6: SPOT AN ABUSE OF POWER Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lie, cheat, steal (everybody’s doin’ it); or, who is mr. putin and what does it have to do with mr. trump? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . alt-right fascists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . bite off your tongue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . take back the streets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the berrigan brothers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 48 Rule № 7: DON’T GIVE UP EASY. RESIST. ORGANIZE. Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . take your beatings as a badge of honor . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . freedom is the crime that contains all crimes . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . emmeline pankhurst . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 61 61 63 63 67 67 . . . . . . 69 69 69 74 74 83 83 Rule № 8: BREAK OUT FROM PRISON Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the prison-industrial complex . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . prison riot . . . . . . . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . michel foucault . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . liberation theology: a conversation with chris hedges 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 50 55 55 57 59 59 85 Rule № 9: CREATE ALTERNATIVES Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . stay weird . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . all power to the imagination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . alternative: another law enforcement system is possible alternative: a different media is possible . . . . . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . aleksandra kollontai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 90 90 93 94 94 96 98 98 Rule № 10: BE A (WO)MAN Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . proud witch and bitch . . . . . . . . the monster of obligatory perfection Deeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . revolution is my girlfriend . . . . . Heroes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . bell hooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 101 101 106 108 108 110 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE CLOSING STATEMENT: HOPE COMES FROM THE HOPELESS 112 AFTERWORD BY KIM GORDON 116 AFTERWORD BY OLIVIA WILDE 117 A PUSSY RIOT READING LIST 118 4 INTRODUCTION preliminary statement When I was fourteen, I showed up at a local newspaper’s office with a piece I had written on pollution and climate change. They told me I was a really nice little girl and not a bad writer, but wouldn’t I rather write about the zoo? The piece on catastrophic pollution in my hometown was not published. Oh well. Many things have happened in my life since then, including my arrest and the two years I spent in prison, but in fact nothing has seriously changed. I keep asking uncomfortable questions. Here, there, and everywhere. These questions, while not always accompanied by answers, have always led me to action. It seems to me that I have been doing actions all my life. My friends and I began reclaiming public space and engaging in political protest long ago, in 2007, when all of us were a laughable seventeen or eighteen years old. Pussy Riot was founded in October 2011, but it was preceded by five years that were chockablock with formal and substantive research into the genre of actionism— five years of schooling in how to escape from cops, make art without money, hop over a fence, and mix Molotov cocktails. I was born a few days before the fall of the Berlin Wall. One might have thought at the time that after the assumed elimination of the Cold War paradigm, we were going to live in peace. Hmm … what we’ve seen, in fact, is a cosmic rise in inequality, the global empowerment of oligarchs, threats to public education and health care, plus a potentially fatal environmental crisis. When Trump won the US presidential election, people were deeply shocked. What was in fact blown up on the 8th of November 2016 was the social contract, the paradigm that says you can live comfortably without getting your hands dirty with politics. The belief that it only takes your one vote every four years (or no vote at all: you’re above politics) to have your freedoms protected. This belief was torn to pieces. The belief that institutions are here to protect us and take care of us, and we don’t need to bother ourselves with protecting these institutions from being eroded by corruption, lobbyists, monopolies, corporate and government control over our personal data. We were outsourcing political struggle like we outsourced low-wage labor and wars. The current systems have failed to provide answers for citizens, and people are looking outside of the mainstream political spectrum. These dissatisfactions are now being used by right-wing, nativist, opportunist, corrupted, cynical political players. The same ones who helped create and stoke all of this now offer salvation. That’s their game. It’s the same strategy as defunding a program or regulatory agency they want to get rid of, then holding up its resulting ineffectiveness as evidence that it needs to be folded. If nationalist aggression, closed borders, exceptionalism of any kind really worked for society, North Korea would be the most prosperous country on earth. They have never really worked, 5 but we keep buying it. That’s how we got Trump, Brexit, Le Pen, Orbán, etc. In Russia, President Putin is playing these games too: he exploits the complex of rage, pain, and impoverishment of the Russian people caused by the shock economy and the Machiavellian privatization and deregulation that took place in the 1990s. I may not be a president or congressman. I don’t have a lot of money or power. But I will use my voice to humbly say that looking back on the twentieth century, I find nationalism and exceptionalism really creepy. Now more than ever we need to take back power from the politicians, oligarchs, and vested interests that have put us in this position. It’s about time we quit behaving like we’re supposed to be the last species on earth. The future has never promised to be bright, or progressive, or whatever. Things may get worse. They have been getting worse in my country since 2012, the year Pussy Riot was put behind bars and Putin became president for the third time. No doubt Pussy Riot was very lucky that we were not forsaken and forgotten when we were silenced by prison walls. Every single interrogator who talked to us after our arrest recommended we (a) give up, (b) shut up, and (c) admit that we love Vladimir Putin. “Nobody cares about your fate; you’ll die here in prison and no one will even know about it. Don’t be stupid—say that you love Putin.” However, we insisted that we don’t love him. And many supported us in our stubbornness. I often feel guilty about the amount of support people gave Pussy Riot. We had too much of it. There are many political prisoners in our country, and unfortunately, the situation is getting worse. Their cases don’t attract the attention they surely deserve. Unfortunately, prison terms for political activists are seen as normal in public consciousness. When nightmares happen every day, people stop reacting to them. Apathy and indifference win. The struggles, the failures, are not a good enough reason for me to stop our activism. Yes, social and political shifts don’t work in linear ways. Sometimes you have to work for years for the smallest result. But sometimes, on the contrary, mountains can be turned upside down in a second. You never really know. I prefer to keep trying to achieve progressive changes humbly but persistently. we are superpowers In the United States, there is a lot of talk about Russia nowadays. But not many know what Russia really looks and feels like. What’s the difference between a dangerously beautiful country full of mind-blowing, creative, and dedicated people and its kleptocratic government? Many wonder what that’s like—to live under the rule of a misogynist authoritarian man with almost absolute power. I can give a little glimpse into that world. The Russian-American relationship is a real piece of work. With a strange quasi-masochistic twitch, I enjoy the journey I’m making in the shadows of these two empires. My existence twinkles somewhere between these giant imperialist machines. 6 I don’t care about borders (though borders do care about me). I know there is power in an intersectional, inclusive, international union of those who care about people more than money or status. We’re more than atoms, separated and frightened by TV and mutual distrust, hidden in the cells of our houses and iPhones, venting anger and resentment at ourselves and others. We don’t want to live in a world where everyone is for sale and nothing is for the public good. We despise this cynical approach, and we’re ready to fight back. More than that, we are not just resisting, we’re proactive. We live according to our values right now. When I try to find words to talk about a more holistic approach to world politics, when I suggest thinking about the future of the whole planet rather than the ambitions and wealth of nations, I inevitably start to sound naive and utopian to many people. I thought for a while that it was because of my poor personal communication skills, and maybe that is part of the problem. But I see this failure of words as a symptom of something larger. We never developed the language to discuss the well-being of the earth as a whole system. We identify people by where they are from, while never learning how to talk about people as part of a larger human species. We’ve survived the Cuban missile crisis, etc., etc. And now, we’re happily falling back into the ancient Cold War paradigm. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists has set the Doomsday Clock to two and a half minutes to midnight. Global threats are the worst they’ve been since the US Star Wars initiative in the 1980s. We’re so excited to be able again to blame our counterpart, an external enemy. When two people fight for a long time, they end up looking more and more alike. You mirror your opponent, and it’s always possible that sooner or later you’ll be indistinguishable from her/ him. It’s an endless game of copycat. It may be good for you when your opponent is a person of great qualities, but when it comes to a relationship between empires, the result is usually rather ugly. When Putin needs to introduce a shitty new law to Russians, he refers to US practices. When Russian police are allowed to behave violently toward protesters, they say, “Why are you complaining? Look at America. You’d have been killed by a cop already if you protested like that there.” When I’m advocating for prison reform in Russia and say that no human being should be tortured and deprived of medication, Russian officials tell me, “Look at Guantánamo, it’s even worse!” When Putin pours more money into the military-industrial complex instead of taking care of an infrastructure that’s falling apart, he says, “Look, NATO! Look, drones! Look, bombs in Iraq!” True. Terribly true. My question here, I guess, is, Who made this decision to copycat the worst, and when? When my government hires thugs to beat me and burn my eyes with a caustic green medical liquid, they say (a) you’re an anti-Russian bitch, (b) your goal is to destroy Russia, (c) you’re getting paid by Hillary, (d) go back to America. And when someone in America challenges power and the official story line in a fundamental way, they’re labeled anti-American. As Noam Chomsky says (and he knows), “So like in the Soviet Union, ‘anti-Sovietism’ was considered the gravest 7 of all crimes… As far as I know, the United States is the only free society that has such a concept… ‘Americanism’ and ‘anti-Americanism’ and ‘un-Americanism’ … are concepts which go along with ‘harmony’ and getting rid of those ‘outsiders.’” It’s a gloomy show. It makes you think that politics are boring and useless, and you don’t need to engage because you’ll never change anything. But I say, we can clean it up. Just use actual human language. It’s simple: health care, education, access to free-of-censorship information. Stop spending our resources on drones, ICBMs, and excessively voyeuristic intelligence services. Pay people who work; we are not slaves. These are rights, not privileges. All this is achievable— change is much more doable than we’ve been taught to think. Putin is still in power, but not because everybody loves his governance. We’re aware we’re getting poorer while Putin and his crew are getting richer and richer. But (there’s always a “but”) what are we gonna do, you and me? We are powerless to change anything. So they say. If you have to point to an enemy, our greatest enemy is apathy. We’d be able to achieve fantastic results if we were not trapped by the idea that nothing can be changed. What we lack is confidence that institutions can actually work better and that we can make them work better. People don’t believe in the enormous power that they have but for some reason don’t use. Václav Havel, a dissident, an artist, and a writer, spent five years in a Soviet prison camp as punishment for his political views, and later, after the fall of the USSR, became the president of Czechoslovakia. Havel wrote a brilliant, inspirational piece called “The Power of the Powerless” (1978). The essay came into my life miraculously. After I received my two-year prison sentence, I was transported to one of the harshest labor camps in Russia, Mordovia. After only four weeks of highly traumatic labor in the camp (when I still had more than a year and a half of my sentence in front of me), I became lifeless and apathetic. My spirit was broken. I was obedient because of the endless abuse, trauma, and psychological pressure. I thought, What can I do against this tota …
Purchase answer to see full attachment
Student has agreed that all tutoring, explanations, and answers provided by the tutor will be used to help in the learning process and in accordance with Studypool’s honor code & terms of service.
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? We have qualified writers to help you
Use our paper writing service to score better and meet your deadlines.
Order Now