If you are contemplating attending graduate school to earn a Masters, professional, or Doctoral degree, then analyzing journal articles is an essential skill.

About

Journal articles are peer-reviewed publications that help scholars communicate ideas, theories, empirical analyses, and conclusions.

The ability to critically read journal articles is a skill that is developed with practice. This skill is especially useful when you transfer to a 4-year college or university.

Get Your Custom Essay Written From Scratch
We have worked on a similar problem. If you need help click order now button and submit your assignment instructions.
Just from $9/Page
Order Now

If you are contemplating attending graduate school to earn a Masters, professional, or Doctoral degree, then analyzing journal articles is an essential skill.

Analyzing a journal article is related to reading. Reading is a skill that is developed with practice and is important for your future academic, professional, and personal endeavors.

  • Academically, your reading load will increase with each semester you are in higher education. Building that skill now will serve you well into the future.
  • Professionally, you will have contracts, employee handbooks, technical manuals, financial reports, and other documents to read.
  • Personally, your son, daughter, nephew, or niece will need you to teach them to read.

Estimated Time

An estimated 270 minutes is needed to complete this activity.

Instructions

Step 1: Download PDF of the article

Step 2: Analyze the Article

  • Identify the 12 parts of the article, as described in the Anatomy of a Journal Article and elaborated upon in the Details of Analyzing Journal Articles, and you can also review the Walkthrough.
  • Optional:Schedule a tutoring appointment with the Writing Center or meet with a NetTutor (if available) if you want a 3rd party to help you think through this assignment
  • Optional: Upload a picture of you Writing Center Tutoring slip or a screenshot of your NetTutor interaction as evidence

Step 3: Demonstrate identification of parts

  • Paper: hand write on the margins or the back of the page
  • Electronic: electronically highlight the text and/or comment in margins of the page

Step 4: Write Out the Research Design

  • Of the 12 parts, only one of them needs to be written out: Research Design. The Research Design is how the author compares the effect of the explanatory variable (X) on the outcome variable (O) in a group (G) or set of groups.

Step 5: Upload your file upload submission

Support

Go to How do I view annotation feedback comments from my instructor directly in my assignment submission? (Links to an external site.) to learn how I directly include feedback on the file you upload, compared to the Assignment Comments or Rubric Results.

Rubric

Criteria Ratings Points
Title Identified Yes

No

1

0

Main Point Yes

No

5

0

Question Yes

No

5

0

Puzzle Identified Yes

No

10

0

Debate Identified Yes

No

10

0

Theory Identified Yes

No

10

0

Hypotheses Identified Yes

No

15

0

Research Design Written Yes

No

19

0

Empirical Analysis Identified Yes

No

10

0

Policy Implications Identified Yes

No

5

0

Contribution to the Discipline Identified Yes

No

5

0

Future Research Identified Yes

No

5

0

Rubric

Journal Article Analysis

Journal Article Analysis

Criteria Ratings Pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeTitled Identified
1 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
1 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeMain Point Identified
5 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
5 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeQuestion Identified
5 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
5 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomePuzzle Identified
10 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
10 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeDebate Identified
10 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
10 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeTheory Identified
10 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
10 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeHypotheses Identified
15 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
15 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeResearch Design Written
19 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
19 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeEmpirical Analysis Identified
10 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
10 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomePolicy Implications Identified
5 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
5 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeContribution to the Discipline Identified
5 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
5 pts
This criterion is linked to a Learning OutcomeFuture Research Identified
5 ptsYes 0 ptsNo
5 pts
Total Points: 100

 

UNFORMATTED ATTACHMENT PREVIEW

American Political Science Review (2020) 114, 1, 206–221 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 72.220.218.6, on 18 Dec 2020 at 05:17:09, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055419000637 doi:10.1017/S0003055419000637 © American Political Science Association 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the same Creative Commons licence is included and the original work is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use. Race and Representation in Campaign Finance JACOB M. GRUMBACH University of Washington ALEXANDER SAHN University of California, Berkeley acial inequality in voter turnout is well-documented, but we know less about racial inequality in campaign contributions. Using new data on the racial identities of over 27 million donors, we find an unrepresentative contributor class. Black and Latino shares of contributions are smaller than their shares of the population, electorate, and elected offices. However, we argue that the presence of ethnoracial minority candidates mobilizes coethnic donors. Results from regression discontinuity and difference-indifference designs suggest that the presence of ethnoracial minority candidates increases the share of minority contributions in US House elections. We find a reduction in white contributions to black Democrats, and to black and Latino Republicans, but little difference in overall fundraising competitiveness. Although we cannot definitively rule out alternative mechanisms that covary with candidate ethnorace, the results suggest that the nomination of minority candidates can increase the ethnoracial representativeness of campaign finance without costs to fundraising. R Mr. Obama’s acceptance of his party’s nomination on Thursday… signifies a powerful moment of arrival for blacks. But the milestone is especially telling for this uppercrust group, which has mobilized like never before to raise mountains of cash to power his campaign. —“Top Black Donors See Obamas Rise as Their Own,” New York Times, Aug. 28, 2008. INTRODUCTION R acial inequality in voter turnout has led to concern about biased representation in American democracy (Griffin and Newman 2008; Hajnal 2009; Hajnal and Trounstine 2005). However, we know much less about racial inequality in other forms of political participation, such as joining organizations, volunteering, or contributing money to campaigns (Schlozman, Verba, and Brady 2012; Bowler and Segura 2011, chap. 6). Unequal representation may not only arise from an unrepresentative electorate, but also from an unrepresentative contributor class (e.g., Gilens 2012; Kalla and Broockman 2016; Rhodes, Schaffner, La, and Raja 2016). Large racial Jacob M. Grumbach , Assistant Professor, University of Washington, jakegrumbach@berkeley.edu. Alexander Sahn , PhD Candidate, University of California, Berkeley, asahn@berkeley.edu. We thank Adam Bonica, Devin Caughey, Paul Frymer, Zoli Hajnal, Andy Hall, Gabe Lenz, Amy Lerman, Eric Schickler, Laura Stoker, Michael Tesler, Ali Valenzuela, Rob Van Houweling, and participants in the 2018 Money and Politics Conference at UC Irvine and the 2018 Midwest Political Science Association Conference. Alexandra Jenney, Emily Mancia, and Guillermo Perez provided excellent research assistance. Jacob M. Grumbach acknowledges support from the Ford Foundation Dissertation Fellowship. Replication files are available at the American Political Science Review Dataverse: https://doi.org/ 10.7910/DVN/PUIJIU. Received: May 17, 2018; revised: January 31, 2019; accepted: September 17, 2019; First published online: October 24, 2019. 206 wealth gaps and a lack of comparable social movement attention lead us to expect more racial inequality in campaign contributions than in other forms of participation. We argue that the presence of coethnic candidates can spark greater participation for black, Latino, and Asian Americans in campaign finance. Feelings of linked fate and empowerment, as well as campaign appeals to coethnicity, may increase participation in the presence of coethnic candidates. Yet although some studies found that such an “ethnic-candidate paradigm” explains voter turnout (Barreto 2007, 2010; Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Dahl 1961; Keele et al. 2017; Shah 2014; Wolfinger 1965), other studies have found that the presence of candidates of color can have minimal or even perverse effects on minority participation and the diversity of the electorate (Fraga 2016a; Gay 2001; Henderson, Sekhon, and Titiunik 2016)—such as a backlash effect among white voters to black Democratic candidates (Washington 2006). Campaign finance is a distinct form of participation from voting and coethnic contribution behavior remains largely unexamined (but see Cho 2001, 2002). Can an increase in candidates of color generate a more representative contributor class? To answer this question, we estimated the ethnoracial identity of 27 million campaign contributors,1 whose 87 million individual contributions from 1980 to 2012 total over $33 billion. Across this time period, we found a highly unrepresentative contributor class. Black and Latino representation in contributions is much smaller than in the general population, electorate, and elected offices, and has remained mostly static since 1980. Although contributions are highly unrepresentative in the aggregate, we observe a more representative contributor class when candidates of color run. Candidate ethnorace is a much stronger predictor of the 1 We use Census ethnoracial categorization, which itself is a sociopolitical construct that shapes and is shaped by broader political context across time (e.g., Fox and Guglielmo 2012; Junn and Masuoka 2008; Omi and Winant 2014). For a comparative perspective, see Loveman (2014). Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 72.220.218.6, on 18 Dec 2020 at 05:17:09, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055419000637 Race and Representation in Campaign Finance ethnoracial amount and share of contributions than district characteristics in US House elections. However, candidate ethnicity may be endogenous to demand from coethnic donors. We thus used two strategies to identify and estimate the causal effect of candidate ethnorace on coethnic contributions: a regression discontinuity design (RDD) that exploits the “as-if randomness” of close primary elections (e.g., Hall 2015) and a difference-in-difference design that exploits within-district variation across elections. Although we are unable to rule out alternative mechanisms that may produce coethnic contribution patterns, such as shared ideology, these designs help protect against confounders related to districts and electoral context. The presence of an Asian, a black, or a Latino nominee significantly increases the proportion of Asian, black, or Latino contributions in the general election, respectively. Despite reduced white contributions to black Democrats, as well as black and Latino Republicans, candidates of color tend to be just as competitive as white candidates in overall general election fundraising. The results suggest that the presence of minority candidates can increase the ethnoracial representativeness of the contributor class in American politics and that there is little fundraising penalty for doing so. RACE, PARTICIPATION, AND REPRESENTATION As Schlozman, Verba, and Brady (2012, 3) described, equality of participation requires “proportionate input from those with politically relevant characteristics—which include such attributes as income, race or ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, age, veteran status, health, or immigrant status.” At its most basic level, inequality of participation may be the result of persistent inequality of political resources, social capital, institutional trust, feelings of efficacy, and political inclusion—potentially troubling signs of tears in the social fabric of a polity (e.g., Hero 2003; Putnam 1995). The principal concern about unequal participation, however, is that it is likely to lead to unequal political outcomes and violate norms of democratic equality (Dahl 2006; Griffin and Newman 2005; Schlozman, Verba, and Brady 2012). In recent years, scholars have turned their attention to the influence of wealthy Americans (Bartels 2009; Gilens 2012; Gilens and Page 2014; Hacker and Pierson 2010; Page, Bartels, and Seawright 2013), but with little investigation of wealth’s intersection with race and ethnicity. It is well known that partisan, ideological, and policy attitudes vary greatly across racial groups (e.g., Bobo 1988; Bowler and Segura 2011; Dawson 1995; DeSipio 1998; Hajnal and Lee 2011; Krysan 2000), so racial inequality in campaign contributions is likely to produce racially biased representation of and responsiveness to public attitudes. Research on unequal participation, especially by race, has focused overwhelmingly on the act of voting (Griffin and Newman 2007, 2008; Hajnal 2009; Hajnal and Trounstine 2005). Although elections are the main mechanism by which the public can hold politicians accountable (Key 1966), a substantial body of evidence suggests that politicians are only modestly responsive to voters (e.g., Gilens and Page 2014; Jacobs and Shapiro 2000). We know little about racial inequality in other forms of participation, such as volunteering, lobbying representatives, and contributing money to campaigns—which are, perhaps even more than voting, likely to influence the behavior of officeholders (Kalla and Broockman 2016; Schlozman, Verba, and Brady 2012).2 There are reasons to expect Americans of color to be severely underrepresented in the contributor class. The legacies of slavery and subsequent political and economic exclusion of people of African, Latin American, and Asian descent have led to inequality in the distribution of “political resources” such as money, time, and information across racial groups (Brady, Verba, and Schlozman 1995; Verba et al. 1993).3 But even compared with other forms of participation such as voting, contributing may be especially dominated by white Americans. Although wealth predicts one’s likelihood of voting, it is a much stronger predictor of donating (La Raja and Schaffner 2015; Rhodes, Schaffner, La, and Raja 2016). The large and persistent racial gaps in income and wealth (Blau and Graham 1990; Oliver and Shapiro 2006) may generate a starker racial gap in contributing than in other forms of participation.4 Legal scholarship has argued that wealth disparities have biased the campaign finance system against racial minorities (Overton 2000, 2001). Emerging research addresses whether candidate ethnorace matters for overall and party-based contributions, but the ethnoracial background of campaign contributors is a critical but largely unexamined factor in assessing representation in American democracy. Existing estimates of contributions by ethnorace have used survey data (e.g., Bowler and Segura 2011; Cain, Kiewiet, and Uhlaner 1991; Lien 2010), but these estimates vary widely and are susceptible to bias (Cho 2001, 276). Ethnoracial Minority Candidates and Campaign Contributions Are there ways to increase the representation of people of color in campaign finance? Activists and researchers often recommend that the parties recruit and support minority candidates as a solution to unequal participation. If members of the public use shared ethnorace as a meaningful signal of shared experience or attitudes, or feel a sense of empowerment in the presence of coethnic candidates—an “ethnic-candidate paradigm”—the 2 The most comprehensive assessment of the ethnoracial distribution of campaign donors is a 2015 report from the think tank Demos (Lioz 2015), but the report only provides basic descriptive analyses using the ethnoracial demographics of neighborhoods as a proxy for donor ethnorace. 3 For overviews of the causes of ethnoracial inequality, see Massey and Denton (1993). 4 In fact, these studies suggest that the racial wealth gap has expanded greatly since 1980 as the wealth of black families declined substantially. 207 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 72.220.218.6, on 18 Dec 2020 at 05:17:09, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055419000637 Jacob M. Grumbach and Alexander Sahn presence of minority candidates may encourage coethnic participation (e.g., Barreto 2007, 2010; Keele et al. 2017; Rocha et al. 2010; Shah 2014).5 Such an increase could lead to greater equality of participation. Other studies have found minimal or even perverse effects of the presence of minority candidates on increasing coethnic participation or creating a more representative electorate (Fraga 2016a; Gay 2001; Henderson, Sekhon, and Titiunik 2016). For instance, the presence of black candidates appears to increase white turnout more than black turnout, resulting in an overall whiter electorate and reducing Democratic vote shares on average (Washington 2006). Evidence of the effect of candidate ethnorace on producing more ethnoracially representative electorates is mixed. We argue that coethnic empowerment and the ethniccandidate paradigm are especially likely to occur in campaign finance. We theorize “push” and “pull” factors that may generate patterns of coethnic contributing. In the aggregate, we are likely to observe coethnic contributing because ethnorace is a strong predictor of party identification, ideology, and geography; we aim to avoid these confounders with our research designs. We focus here on reasons that shared ethnorace, all else equal, may influence contributing. A principal “push” factor, driven by contributors, is based on potential donors’ feelings of linked fate. Linked fate is the belief that one’s individual experience is tied to the collective experience of the ethnoracial group, and greater feelings of linked fate predict support for coethnic candidates among African American and Latino voters (Dawson 1995; McConnaughy et al. 2010; Wallace 2014). Individuals with strong feelings of linked fate may, in pursuit of self-interest, donate to coethnic politicians. Factors that are positively correlated with contributing, such as education and socioeconomic status, have been found to be positively correlated with feelings of linked fate among African Americans (Dawson 1995; Gay 2004; Simien 2005; Tate 1994). There is also evidence that politicians from marginalized identity groups tend to exert greater effort to represent and improve the standing of their group in society (e.g., Broockman 2013; Dawson 1995; Logan 2018). Linked fate may complement perceptions of ethnoracial group competition among potential donors. In local and national contexts, individuals perceive their ethnoracial group to be engaged in competition with other groups for economic and political resources (e.g., Gay 2006; Kim 2000; McClain et al. 2006; Sanchez 2008). Perceptions of out-groups as competitive threats, whether based on stereotyping or feelings of collective alienation (Bobo and Hutchings 1996), can increase incentives to support coethnic candidates over candidates from other ethnoracial groups. Contributions to coethnic candidates may also serve expressive, rather than self-interested, motivations. Contributing, like voting, may “serve as a positive affirmation of identity group membership or as an expression of group solidarity and support, both of which convey psychological benefits” (Horowitz 1985; Jackson 2011; Valenzuela and Michelson 2016, 618). Donors often explain their motivations for contributing in terms of linked fate, identity expression, and empowerment. In 2016, for instance, the Los Angeles Times interviewed Lily Lee Chen, one of many Asian Americans who contributed large sums to John Chiang’s campaign in California. Chen explained her contribution with empowerment theory: “He would serve as a model for all the Chinese American young people who have political aspirations and want to be good public servants” (quoted in Willon 2016). Campaigns are also likely to create “pull” factors by appealing to potential donors’ identities in solicitations and appeals for contributions. Campaign appeals to coethnicity may prime feelings of linked fate or increase identity strength by “selectively reinforc[ing] the preexisting identity” (Jackson 2011; Valenzuela and Michelson 2016; Rogers, Fox, and Gerber 2013, 100).6 Prior studies have investigated the role of “ethnically angled advertisements” in campaigns, such as, in the case of the Latino community, television commercials featuring Latino narrators, pictures of Latinos, and descriptions of a candidate’s connections to the Latino community (e.g., Abrajano 2010; Soto and Merolla 2006)—appeals that are likely to be more effective when the candidate is also Latino (Barreto 2007, 2010). This kind of appeal may extend to campaign finance. Political action committees (PACs) further facilitate coethnic fundraising. According to the mission statement of Latino Victory Fund PAC, the organization “identifies, recruits, and develops candidates for public office while building a permanent base of Latino donors to support them.” Candidates also contact and solicit contributions from individuals in their social, educational, and professional networks (Bonica 2017a, 2017b). Such networks, including at the most elite levels of business and education, are shaped by ethnoracial identity (Allen, Epps, and Haniff 1991; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook 2001). Lawyers have long been the majority of American political candidates and officeholders, which may be explained in part by lawyer candidates’ unique ability to tap their professional networks for funds and other support (Bonica 2017b). Only in recent decades, law schools have been open to black Americans (Gellhorn 1968), and de facto barriers for people of color in the legal profession persist even as de jure barriers have declined (Kornhauser and Revesz 1995; Nussbaumer 2006). In turn, during the 1960s and 70s lawyers of color created a plethora of professional organizations to facilitate development and networking, such as the National Conference of Black Lawyers and the Hispanic National Bar Association. Similar coethnic organizations exist in business, such as Latino 6 5 A related literature investigates the relationship between descriptive representation (focusing on officeholders) and ethnoracial minority empowerment (e.g., Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004). 208 These push and pull factors may interact. There is evidence that the effect of ethnoracial identity-based appeals by campaigns and organizations is conditional on individuals’ strength of group identity (Valenzuela and Michelson 2016). Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 72.220.218.6, on 18 Dec 2020 at 05:17:09, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055419000637 Race and Representation in Campaign Finance chambers of commerce, and education, such as alumni networks of historically black colleges and universities. These organizations connect relatively financially welloff individuals who share an ethnoracial identity and are thus ideal locations for candidates to solicit contributions from coethnic dono …
Purchase answer to see full attachment
Student has agreed that all tutoring, explanations, and answers provided by the tutor will be used to help in the learning process and in accordance with Studypool’s honor code & terms of service.
Do you need a similar assignment done for you from scratch? We have qualified writers to help you
Use our paper writing service to score better and meet your deadlines.
Order Now